A Currency of Their Own: The Sahel’s Breakaway Bloc Charts a Bold Economic Path

In a time of deep political transition and geopolitical realignment, the three countries of the Sahelian Alliance of States — Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger — are preparing to take a radical step.

In a time of deep political transition and geopolitical realignment, the three countries of the Sahelian Alliance of States — Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger are preparing to take a radical step: the creation of a new currency to replace the CFA franc.

This move, still in the planning stages, is more than a monetary reform. It is a loud declaration of independence from France, from the postcolonial order, and from regional institutions seen as no longer representative of the people’s aspirations. For the military governments now leading these nations, a currency of their own is not just about economics. It’s about sovereignty, identity, and survival.

A History Etched in Francs

For over seven decades, the CFA franc has tied much of francophone Africa to France. Initially introduced in 1945, the currency has been criticized as a neocolonial relic, with critics pointing to its fixed exchange rate with the euro, its reserve backing by the French Treasury, and its monetary policy decisions made in Paris. While the system has offered macroeconomic stability, it has also limited the ability of West African countries to determine their own economic destinies.

Previous attempts to reform this system most notably the stalled ECOWAS single currency project, known as the ECO, have failed to materialize. Meanwhile, the AES states, having withdrawn from both ECOWAS and the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU), now find themselves without a shared institutional framework. The prospect of launching a new currency emerges as both necessity and opportunity.

Why a New Currency Now?

Goita of Mali(left) Tiani of Niger and Traore of Burkina Faso(right)

The military governments of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger share more than just political transitions they share a common sense of grievance. They argue that the CFA franc system has perpetuated dependency, undermined national autonomy, and failed to serve the interests of their largely agricultural, resource-rich, and youthful populations.

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Their motivations for a new currency can be grouped into three broad themes:

1. Economic Sovereignty: By breaking from the CFA zone, the AES states would regain control over key monetary levers including interest rates, inflation targets, and foreign reserves. In theory, this would allow for more responsive economic planning tailored to local realities.

2. Symbolic Liberation: Currency is not just a medium of exchange; it is a marker of national identity. For the AES bloc, the creation of a new currency is a way to physically sever colonial economic ties and reassert African pride and independence.

3. Strategic Realignment: With growing partnerships with non-Western actors like Russia, Turkey, and China, the AES countries may find it advantageous to have a currency and financial system that is less intertwined with European institutions. This would allow them to negotiate trade and investment on new terms, possibly in alternative currencies like the ruble or yuan.

What Could the New Currency Change?

If successful, the new currency could bring several benefits to the Sahel and influence wider monetary trends across Africa:

• Protection from Sanctions: The AES countries have suffered from sanctions and asset freezes following their military coups. A homegrown currency could help insulate them from future external economic coercion.

• Agricultural and Mining Support: Local monetary control could enable strategic subsidies and credit lines for key sectors such as cotton, gold, and uranium, the economic lifelines of the Sahel.

• Strengthened Regional Unity: While exiting ECOWAS isolates the AES bloc in the short term, a shared currency could serve as the backbone of a new, tighter regional alliance built around mutual interests rather than inherited colonial institutions.

• Inspiration to Others: If the AES currency proves viable, it may embolden anti-CFA movements across francophone Africa. Countries like Guinea, Togo, or even Senegal may reevaluate their monetary arrangements.

But Challenges Loom Large

The path ahead is fraught with uncertainty. Creating a currency from scratch requires robust institutions, fiscal discipline, and public trust all of which are difficult to build, especially in politically unstable environments.

Key challenges include:

• Establishing a Central Bank: Who governs it? How independent will it be? Can it earn credibility?

• Inflation Risks: Without strong financial safeguards, a new currency could quickly lose value, harming the poor and destabilizing economies.

• Foreign Confidence: Will trading partners, lenders, and investors accept the new currency? What happens to the countries’ debt obligations in CFA francs or euros?

• Limited Economic Diversity: The AES countries remain heavily dependent on commodity exports. Without broader economic diversification, the new currency will remain vulnerable to external shocks.

Africa Watches

Protester with a banner reading ‘'Down to ECOWAS, long live AES’’

Across Africa, the AES initiative is being closely watched. Not because these three landlocked, conflict-stricken countries are economic powerhouses — but because they are boldly questioning a colonial-era system that many other African states quietly endure.

The move adds pressure on ECOWAS and WAEMU to accelerate reforms in their own currency systems. It also raises broader questions: Can Africa chart a path toward financial sovereignty without sacrificing stability? Are new regional blocs, based on ideological alignment rather than geography, the future?

What is clear is that the AES currency project is more than a technical reform. It is a vision,radical, risky, and deeply rooted in the idea that African nations must no longer ask for permission to be free.

Conclusion

Whether or not the new currency materializes or succeeds, it is already reshaping the conversation on African sovereignty and regional integration. In the windswept capitals of Bamako, Ouagadougou, and Niamey, leaders are betting that the path to dignity begins with a coin minted in freedom.

Justice for Albert, Justice for Kenya: A Nation at Breaking Point

At exactly 9:24 p.m. on June 7, 2025, Albert Ojwang made his final call. "I've arrived at Central Police Station. Don't worry," he reassured his wife. The 31-year-old teacher was dead hours later

According to police, Albert commited suicide by "throwing himself against a wall." But an independent autopsy revealed the truth: blunt trauma to the head, neck compression, and widespread bruising. These weren’t the injuries of a man who fell. They were the signs of a man beaten, choked, silenced.

Albert’s death wasn’t just a tragedy. It was a warning. It was the final straw in a country already suffocating under the weight of corruption, government sponsored abductions police brutality, and failed leadership. It lit the fuse. And Kenya exploded.

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Section 1: A Generation in Revolt, Again

One year after the Finance Bill protests of June 2024—where police bullets ended the lives of over 60 innocent Kenyans—the same horror returned. On June 25, 2025, Kenya witnessed another bloodbath. Thousands of Gen-Z-led protesters filled the streets of Nairobi, Kisumu, Nakuru, and Mombasa, demanding justice for Albert and accountability from a regime that kills its own.

But President Ruto's administration responded the same way it always does—with force, not dialogue.

Police opened fire. At least 16 protesters were killed, according to Amnesty Kenya and the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA). More than 400 were injured. Tear gas filled schoolyards. Live rounds echoed across slums. In Kibera, a young protester lay bleeding from a thigh wound, whispering, "I just want justice for Albert."

This was not crowd control. This was a massacre.

Section 2: A Government Afraid of Truth

As violence escalated, the government attempted to black out the truth. Without explanation, it pulled KTN, NTV, and Citizen TV off the air. News anchors were silenced mid-sentence. Independent voices were cut.

But Kenya’s youth refused to be censored.

Social media became the new frontline. Hashtags like #ArrestEliudLagat, #SiriNiNumbers, #JusticeForAlbert and #RutoMustGo trended across the continent. Footage of a street hawker shot point-blank. Images of children coughing in tear gas. Videos of police dragging lifeless bodies into unmarked trucks. Kenya saw it. The world saw it.

The Katiba Institute and Media Council of Kenya called the blackout an assault on democracy. "We are not at war," said one activist. "But our government acts like it is at war with us."

Section 3: Albert Was Not the First

Albert wasn’t just a victim. He was a mirror. A teacher of Kiswahili and CRE. A blogger who called out the rot at the top. His final posts exposed Deputy Inspector General Eliud Lagat for corruption. Within days, he was arrested. Secretly transferred 350 km away. Murdered in police custody.

The state claimed it was suicide. The autopsy said otherwise. His skull was fractured. His neck compressed. His family never saw him alive again.

But this regime’s cruelty doesn’t stop with Albert.

Last year, at least 60 unarmed protesters were killed when Ruto’s Finance Bill sparked national outrage. Promises were made. Investigations announced. Yet no one in power was punished. Instead, the same taxes returned. So did the same bullets.

Section 4: Ruto's Regime and the Culture of Violence

Under President William Ruto, the Kenyan state has become increasingly authoritarian. Critics are harassed. Protesters are shot. Journalists are gagged. Corruption thrives while hospitals collapse, unemployment soars, and families go hungry.

Every tear gas canister fired yesterday was another sign of a leadership in crisis. Every bullet another page in a bloodstained record.

This is no longer about reform. This is about survival.

Section 5: The Streets Will Not Forget

Civil society is demanding more than investigations. They are demanding resignations. Accountability. Change.

The IPOA has suspended six officers connected to Albert’s killing. But the real architects remain in power. Lagat is untouched. Ruto has issued no apology. Only silence.

But the people are done waiting.

From Mathare to Mombasa, they are organizing. They are marching. They are documenting everything.

Conclusion: This Time, We Remember. This Time, We Fight.

Albert is gone. But his death is not forgotten. It is a rallying cry.

This generation may be young. But it is awake. It is angry. And it will not be silenced.

The blood on Ruto’s hands will not dry in the shadows. Kenya is watching. The world is watching.

And this time, the people will not back down.

Sources:

Amnesty International

The Guardian (June 25, 2025)

Reuters (June 26, 2025)

Katiba Institute

Kenya Human Rights Commission

Independent Policing Oversight Authority

Family interviews and citizen video accounts (Compiled from verified social media sources)

What Can Cameroonians Expect from the 2025 Elections?

President Biya, 91, is getting calls by the elite to represent himself for another 7-year term, while the disgruntled population seeks change by ballot, after 42 years under the same leadership.

As Cameroon approaches its 2025 presidential elections, the atmosphere is one of uncertainty, frustration, and cautious hope. President Paul Biya, who has ruled the country for over 40 years, is expected to present himself for another 7-year term despite being almost 92 years old. For many Cameroonians, particularly the youth, this election represents a chance to turn the page on decades of stagnation, but it also raises concerns about the lack of credible alternatives.

President Paul Biya

1. The Persistence of the Status Quo

The ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) has remained in power since 1982 under President Paul Biya’s leadership. Over the years, the electoral process has been marred by allegations of fraud, voter intimidation, and media bias that heavily favors the ruling party. This has left many Cameroonians feeling as though change through the ballot box is nearly impossible.

Despite these obstacles, the desire for change is palpable, particularly among younger voters who have grown weary of decades of poor governance, corruption, and economic hardship. However, with Biya likely to run once again, the question remains: can this election bring any real shift in the political landscape, or will it simply reinforce the status quo?

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2. Youth Mobilization for Change

A significant and encouraging development ahead of the 2025 elections is the massive mobilization of youth to register as voters. Inspired largely by opposition leaders like Cabral Libii, a vocal advocate for reform and youth empowerment, young Cameroonians are stepping up in unprecedented numbers to make their voices heard at the ballot box. This wave of political engagement signals a desire to vote the ruling party out of power and usher in a new era of governance.

However, despite this enthusiasm, there’s a glaring issue: the lack of a unifying opposition figure. While Cabral Libii and others have motivated young people to register, none of the opposition leaders have yet emerged as a serious contender capable of rallying the majority of Cameroonians behind them. Without a strong, credible candidate to challenge Biya, the risk is that the ruling party could once again prevail by default, despite the growing discontent.

Cabral Libii

3. No Serious Alternative Candidate—Yet

As of December 2024, with less than a year to the October 2025 elections, there is no clear frontrunner within the opposition. This is perhaps the most worrying aspect of the upcoming elections. Cameroonians are eager for change, but they lack a serious, unifying opposition leader who can inspire confidence and galvanize the electorate. Maurice Kamto, leader of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM), remains a key figure, but doubts about his ability to bring all opposition forces together and lead a viable campaign persist.

Maurice Kamto

The absence of a strong opposition campaign this late in the election cycle is concerning. It suggests that the CPDM may once again face a fragmented opposition, making it easier for Biya to secure another term. For many, the question is not just whether Biya can be defeated, but who—if anyone—can rise to the challenge of uniting the country behind a credible alternative vision for the future.

4. The Anglophone Crisis: A Lingering Problem

The ongoing Anglophone Crisis remains a key issue, particularly in the Northwest and Southwest regions, where separatist movements continue to demand independence from the central government. The conflict has led to widespread violence, displacement, and a deepening divide between the Francophone and Anglophone populations. The government’s handling of the crisis has been widely criticized, and many in the Anglophone regions feel disillusioned with the political process altogether.

For residents of these regions, the 2025 elections may hold little significance unless a meaningful dialogue is initiated to address their grievances. Without a resolution to the crisis, voter turnout in these areas is likely to be low, and the conflict will continue to be a major destabilizing factor for the country.

5. A Young, Frustrated Electorate

Cameroon’s youth make up over 60% of the population, and they are increasingly disillusioned with the state of the nation. Many young people face unemployment, limited access to education, and economic hardships, which have left them feeling disconnected from the political system. However, the youth-led mobilization to register for the 2025 elections shows that this generation is not willing to sit on the sidelines any longer.

Yet, the frustration runs deep. If no credible opposition leader emerges soon, there is a risk that this youthful energy may dissipate, leading to disillusionment or even unrest. The youth represent a critical voting bloc, and any candidate hoping to challenge Biya must address their concerns and offer a concrete plan for improving their future.

6. The Need for Reform

The demand for political reform is growing, both within Cameroon and from the international community. Calls for greater electoral transparency, accountability, and good governance are becoming louder. However, the political system remains deeply entrenched, and meaningful reform may be difficult to achieve without significant pressure from within.

Electoral observers, particularly from international bodies such as the African Union and the European Union, will likely monitor the 2025 elections, but their influence on the outcome remains limited. The hope for many Cameroonians is that this election will at least set the stage for future reforms, even if it does not immediately bring about the change they desire.

Conclusion

The 2025 presidential elections are shaping up to be a critical moment for Cameroon, but there is a strong sense that the country remains stuck at a crossroads. The youth-led mobilization to register as voters is a promising sign of engagement, yet the lack of a clear, credible opposition candidate may undermine these efforts. With no serious campaign underway as of December 2024 and the elections less than a year away, the path to real change remains uncertain.

For many Cameroonians, this election is about more than just replacing Paul Biya—it’s about building a future where their voices are heard, their rights are respected, and their government works for the people. Whether the 2025 elections will mark the beginning of that journey, or simply another chapter in a long story of stagnation, remains to be seen.

Religion as a Tool to Euthanize Africans

Since the days of colonialism, religion has always been used to soften Africans. This article establishes how religion plays a part in the underdevelopment of the continent even till today.

The famous phrase by Karl Marx, "Religion is the opium of the people," suggests that religion can serve as a tool to placate the masses, diverting their attention from the real issues they face. In the context of Africa, this idea takes on particular significance as the continent grapples with numerous challenges, including poverty, inequality, and underdevelopment. While religion provides spiritual comfort and a sense of community for millions, it can also distract people from addressing the structural problems that hinder progress. This article explores how religion, at times, functions as an opium for the masses in Africa, diverting attention from critical development issues.

The Allure of Spiritual Escapism

In many African societies, religion offers an escape from the harsh realities of daily life. Faced with widespread poverty, unemployment, and social instability, many people turn to religion for solace and hope. Churches, mosques, and traditional religious practices provide a space where individuals can find meaning and comfort amidst their struggles.

1. Prosperity Theology and False Hope: One of the most significant examples of religion acting as an opium for the masses in Africa is the rise of prosperity theology. This belief system, which has gained popularity in many Pentecostal and Charismatic Christian movements, teaches that faith and generous donations to religious leaders will lead to material wealth and success. While this message is empowering to some, it can also create a dangerous illusion. People are encouraged to focus on spiritual solutions to their economic problems, rather than engaging in practical actions like education, entrepreneurship, or advocacy for better governance. As a result, they may become complacent, waiting for divine intervention instead of actively seeking change.

2. Spiritual Distraction from Social Issues: Religion often emphasizes personal salvation and the afterlife, which can shift focus away from pressing social issues. In many cases, religious teachings encourage believers to endure suffering in this life with the promise of rewards in the next. This can lead to a passive acceptance of poverty, inequality, and injustice, as people are taught to view their struggles as part of a divine plan. Instead of challenging oppressive systems or demanding better living conditions, the masses may resign themselves to their fate, believing that their reward will come in the afterlife.

Religion as a Tool of Political Control

Religion has also been used by political leaders in Africa as a tool to maintain control over the population. By aligning themselves with religious institutions or using religious rhetoric, leaders can legitimize their authority and discourage dissent. This can distract people from holding their leaders accountable and addressing the root causes of underdevelopment.

1. Manipulation of Religious Sentiment: In many African countries, political leaders exploit religious sentiment to rally support and maintain power. They may present themselves as protectors of the faith, aligning with religious leaders and institutions to gain legitimacy. In return, religious leaders often receive favors, such as financial support or political influence. This symbiotic relationship can stifle critical debate and prevent the masses from questioning the actions of their leaders. Instead of focusing on issues like corruption, poor governance, or lack of infrastructure, people may be encouraged to support leaders based on religious affiliation or perceived piety.

2. Religion and Ethnic Divisions: Religion in Africa is often intertwined with ethnic identity, and this has been exploited by politicians to sow division and distract from development issues. By emphasizing religious or ethnic differences, leaders can divert attention from their failures in governance and prevent the formation of a united front for development. This tactic not only distracts from pressing socio-economic issues but also exacerbates tensions that can lead to conflict and further underdevelopment.

Impeding Social and Economic Progress

While religion can be a source of moral guidance and social cohesion, it can also impede social and economic progress when it promotes beliefs or practices that are at odds with development goals.

1. Opposition to Modernization: In some parts of Africa, religious beliefs clash with modernization efforts. For example, certain religious groups oppose secular education, particularly for girls, arguing that it contradicts traditional or religious values. This resistance to education limits opportunities for young people, particularly women, to contribute to economic development. Similarly, religious opposition to family planning and reproductive health services can result in high population growth, straining resources and limiting economic progress.

2. Focus on Rituals Over Practical Solutions: In many African communities, religious rituals and ceremonies are central to daily life. While these practices are important for cultural identity and social cohesion, they can also consume significant time and resources. In some cases, the emphasis on rituals and religious observance may overshadow practical efforts to address development challenges. For example, communities might invest heavily in building grand religious structures while neglecting essential infrastructure like schools, healthcare facilities, or clean water systems.

3. Religious Fatalism: Religious fatalism, the belief that all events are predetermined by divine will, can discourage proactive efforts to improve living conditions. In some communities, people may attribute their circumstances entirely to fate, believing that their situation is beyond their control. This mindset can prevent individuals from taking initiative to improve their lives, such as seeking education, starting a business, or advocating for social change. Instead, they may passively accept their circumstances, waiting for divine intervention rather than pursuing practical solutions.

The Need for a Balanced Approach

While it is essential to recognize the positive role that religion can play in providing moral guidance and fostering community, it is equally important to address its potential to distract from critical development issues. To achieve sustainable progress in Africa, there must be a balance between spiritual pursuits and practical efforts to improve living conditions.

1. Promoting Education and Critical Thinking: One way to counter the negative impact of religion as an opium for the masses is to promote education and critical thinking. By encouraging people to question and analyze their circumstances, rather than accepting them as divinely ordained, education can empower individuals to seek practical solutions to their problems. Religious leaders and institutions can play a crucial role in this process by promoting education and critical thinking within their communities.

2. Aligning Religious Teachings with Development Goals: Religious leaders and institutions have significant influence in African societies and can be powerful allies in promoting development. By aligning religious teachings with development goals, such as promoting gender equality, advocating for social justice, and supporting education and healthcare, religious institutions can help bridge the gap between spiritual and material well-being. This approach can ensure that religion serves as a force for positive change rather than a distraction from progress.

3. Encouraging Civic Engagement: To prevent religion from being used as a tool of political control, it is essential to encourage civic engagement and active participation in governance. Religious leaders can use their influence to promote accountability and transparency in government, encouraging their followers to demand better services and policies that support development. By fostering a culture of civic responsibility, religion can contribute to, rather than detract from, the pursuit of development in Africa.

Conclusion

Religion in Africa, while a source of comfort and community for many, can also act as an opium for the masses, distracting them from the critical issues of development. By promoting spiritual escapism, reinforcing political control, and impeding social progress, religion can divert attention from the practical actions needed to improve living conditions. However, by promoting education, aligning religious teachings with development goals, and encouraging civic engagement, it is possible to harness the positive aspects of religion to support, rather than hinder, Africa’s development. Achieving this balance is crucial for the continent’s future prosperity.

The Crisis in the Democratic Republic of Congo: A summary.

The protests against the Western-Backed Rwandan president Paul Kagame intensifies as he supports the Congolese Crisis. Here is a brief understanding of what is happening in DRC.

Since early February, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)'s capital, Kinshasa, has witnessed protests directed against western embassies. Demonstrators gathered in front of the British and French embassies, as well as United Nations buildings. Throughout the city, American and Belgian flags were burned. A large protest also erupted in Paris, besides the Rwandan embassy, and the police had to intervene to make sure it remained peaceful. These protests stem from the belief that western nations are complicit in the ongoing war in the eastern part of the DRC.

The trigger for these protests was the renewed advance of the rebel movement M23. M23, led by Congolese Tutsi, has a history of being supported by Rwanda. It emerged in April 2012, briefly took control of the eastern city of Goma in November 2012, and was subsequently defeated in 2013. However, in late 2021, the group resurfaced due to longstanding geopolitical tensions between the DRC and Rwanda. It now controls significant portions of territory, including access to Goma—a city of approximately 2 million people strategically located in the northern Kivu province bordering Rwanda. The rebel group's effective encirclement of Goma has raised concerns about supplies being cut off or the city falling under their control, leading to panic and further displacement.

Two critical aspects stand out in this context:

1. Silence Toward Rwanda:

- Despite extensive documentation by recent United Nations reports of direct Rwandan military support for the M23 rebellion (support that Rwanda denies), the international community remains relatively silent.

- Countries like Belgium and France have called on Rwanda to end its involvement, and the United States recently issued a strong statement condemning Rwanda's support for M23. However, concrete actions have been limited, and Rwanda continues to receive Western aid.

2. Lack of Global Attention:

- The current protests serve as an indictment of the lack of global attention to the broader Congolese crisis.

- While conflicts in Ukraine and Israel/Palestine receive significant coverage, the ongoing humanitarian challenges in the DRC often go unnoticed by the world community.

- During the African Cup of Nations, football fans of many nations were banned from having banners mentioning the conflict, and the Congolese national team were not given permission to wear black armbands. The courageous players wore them nonetheless, and made a sign to draw attention to the conflict by covering their mouths and placing two fingers on their temples.

These protests highlight the urgency of addressing the complex situation in the DRC and the need for sustained international engagement to alleviate the crisis. 🇨🇩🌍

Due to this conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a humanitarian crisis is unfolding in the restive eastern region. Here are the critical details:

1. Armed Rebel Group M23:

- The renowned armed rebel group M23 is at the center of this crisis. Composed mainly of ethnic Tutsis, M23 broke away from the Congolese army over a decade ago.

- In recent weeks, there has been an upsurge in fighting between M23 rebels and the Congolese army forces.

- M23's actions threaten to cut off a major city and have left millions of people struggling for food and medical help.

- The United Nations plans to withdraw peacekeepers from the region by the end of the year.

2. Regional Complications:

- Tensions are escalating between the DRC and neighboring Rwanda. Both countries blame each other for supporting various armed groups.

- Congo accuses Rwanda of backing M23. Rwanda, in turn, denies this but has admitted to having troops and missile systems in eastern Congo.

- Rwanda cites security concerns due to a buildup of Congo army forces near the border.

- The conflict also has ties to the Rwandan genocide from 30 years ago, with M23 and Rwanda both fighting a threat posed by a Congolese rebel group partly composed of ethnic Hutus who were perpetrators of the 1994 genocide.

3. Displacement and Violence:

- Approximately 1 million people have already been displaced by the recent fighting in the last three months.

- The situation remains highly volatile, with humanitarian agencies working tirelessly to address urgent needs.

- Video evidence recently surfaced on Twitter (X) about the massive human rights abuse going on in the region. These videos show evidence of brutal rape, mutilation and murders committed by the M23 on the Congolese people living in the East.

The crisis in the DRC is multifaceted, involving armed conflicts, displacement, and regional tensions. Aid organizations are striving to provide assistance to those affected by this dire situation.

Sources:

(1) What’s happening in eastern Congo and why aid groups are warning of a new humanitarian crisis. https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/whats-happening-in-eastern-congo-and-why-aid-groups-are-warning-of-a-new-humanitarian-crisis/ar-BB1iwGMx.

(2) What's Happening in Eastern Congo and Why Aid Groups Are Warning of a .... https://www.usnews.com/news/world/articles/2024-02-19/whats-happening-in-eastern-congo-and-why-aid-groups-are-warning-of-a-new-humanitarian-crisis.

(3) Why is fighting flaring in eastern Congo? Could it threaten regional stability?. https://www.firstpost.com/explainers/why-is-fighting-flaring-in-eastern-congo-could-it-threaten-regional-stability-13739657.html.

(4) UN earmarks $100 million for poorly funded humanitarian crises. https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/world/un-earmarks-100-million-for-poorly-funded-humanitarian-crises/ar-BB1iz8I6.

(5) Why aid groups are warning of a new humanitarian crisis in eastern Congo. https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/why-aid-groups-are-warning-of-a-new-humanitarian-crisis-in-eastern-congo.